4. Eternal City

The expulsion of the Belarusian Marian Fathers from Druia was a turning point in the life of Ceslaus Sipovich. With no hope of returning to Druia, and not relishing the prospect of remaining indefinitely in Poland, he and another cleric, Casimir Aniskowicz, accepted the offer of Father Tsikota to go to Rome, on condition that they should adopt the Byzantine rite and on completion of their studies be sent to Harbin to join other Marian Fathers who worked among the Russians. Later in life Sipovich was reticent on this point. When once asked by the present writer, he answered curtly that, if ordered, he would have refused to go to Harbin. The  documents which have since come to light tell a different story. But in 1938 the prospect of going to Harbin might have seemed far away in comparison with the immediate attraction of being in Rome.

It thus happened that in October 1938 two ex-Druia clerics came to the Eternal City. Apart from being the See of the successor of St Peter, Rome is also a major centre for theological  education. There are several Pontifical universities and institutes, the largest being the Gregorian  University, directed by the Jesuits. Students live in their national colleges – French, German, Brazilian, Polish, Ukrainian etc, and members of the religious orders in their houses of studies.

The Marian Fathers have their house, or, as it is called, college in Rome at Via Corsica. It serves as the residence for the Superior General and the Council, and as the house of studies for their clerics. Sipovich and Aniskowicz did not reside there, but were sent to the Russian College or "Russicum". Founded in 1929, this was not a Russian national college (although there were Russian students from time to time), but a place where students of various nationalities were trained for prospective missionary work among Russians. Sipovich put it fairly well in a letter to Anthony Tsviachkouski of 28 July 1939: "I live in a college, where Russians, Germans, French, a Bulgarian, Lithuanian, Slovaks, Estonians etc. form a fairly harmonious group, whose aim is to work for Russia today abroad, and get ready for the future after the fall of the bolsheviks". The direction of the Russicum was entrusted to the Jesuits.

Russicum Students frequented the Gregorian University. Sipovich in the letter quoted above writes: "On the whole the Gregorian (university) did not disappoint (me). I had a high opinion of it before, and now this opinion has been strengthened... There are professors of world fame, but often it is quite a strain to listen to them... Latin does not present to us any particular difficulties, except that one must get used to the French or English pronounciation. We passed the exams for the Bachelor's degree with better than average results..."

Apart from university studies, Sipovich made an effort to learn languages, in particular Russian, German and Italian. He even, under the pen name Vasil Kryvichanin, sent to Chryscijanskaja dumka his translation of a short poem by Goethe[22]. Italian he studied during school hours, absenting himself from certain lectures. This was, as he himself admitted, against the rules, but brought the necessary results. He did not neglect Belarusian. He had a copy of a Belarusian grammar (most probably by Tarashkievich) and other books which he studied when time permitted (in the F. Skaryna Library in London there is a copy of the reader in Belarusian modern literature by I. Dvarchanin with penciled marginal notes by Sipovich). He realised how little he knew about his native country during a visit which he and Father Hermanovich paid to the Ukrainian College, where he was asked questions about Belarusian history, culture and its present situation. He began to study these things more intensively, especially history. Soon he was able to present a paper on Francis Skaryna to an audience of students and superiors of the Russicum. The paper has not been preserved, but here is the description of Sipovich himself in his "Letter from Rome", dated 25 May 1939, to Chryscijanskaja dumka in Vilna: "Not long ago I read a paper on Dr F. Skaryna to an ethnically mixed audience. Many (listeners) became interested in the person of our scholar. One German professor (Ammann? – A.N.) asked me to help him in his work. He is working on early Russian Church history, and in various documents he encounters Belarusian language and Belarusian personalities"[23]. Incidentally Sipovich, probably encouraged by Father Hermanovich, began to write to Chryscijanskaja dumka while still in Vilna. The paper ceased publication with the outbreak of war in September 1939. In October of the same year Vilna became part of Lithuania. The Belarusians in Vilna revived the publication of the paper Krynica. Sipovich sent them his reports from Rome, the last one being printed on 3 May 1940. In July Lithuania was overrun by Soviet troops and Krynica ceased publication.

On 14 January 1940 Father Adam Stankievich celebrated the 25th anniversary of his priesthood. Belarusians began preparation for this occasion some 6 months in advance, when Father Stankievich was in exile in Slonim. The early start was undoubtedly intended to draw the attention to this fact, and was also due to the uncertain political situation. Greetings began to arrive as early as June 1939. Among those who sent greetings were Metropolitan Andrew Sheptycky from L'viv, other Ukrainian and Lithuanian bishops, priests (both Catholic and Orthodox) as well as many Belarusians and other persons who knew and respected him. Characteristically there was not a single greeting from a Polish bishop (not even from his own ordinary, archbishop Jalbrzykowski), priest or lay person. Some greetings were sent to the Belarusian quarterly Kalossie in Vilna, presumably because the writers did not know the Slonim address of Father Stankievich. The Polish police raided the editorial offices of the journal and confiscated some greetings, including those from Father Hermanovich. Ceslaus Sipovich also sent his greetings. A copy, which has been preserved in his papers, is dated 27 August 1939. It never arrived, probably because of the war which broke out on 1 September.

Sipovich was impressed by the Ukrainian College with nearly one hundred students, wearing blue cassocks with yellow sashes (Ukrainian national colours). It was there that he was asked why Belarusians had no place of their own. "With shame, – he wrote to Tsviachkouski, – I managed somehow to explain that there was shortage of Belarusian priests and Belarusians in general in Rome". It must have been a humiliating moment for Sipovich. One may wonder whether it made him think about the bitter irony of his own position, namely as the only Belarusian cleric in Rome he was getting ready to "convert Russia", while there was a crying need for priests in his native country. Obviously at that time he knew nothing about the project of Princess Radzivill to establish a Belarusian college in Rome and how her efforts had been frustrated by the Marian Fathers... In any case he seemed to have felt acutely the absence of Belarusians in the Eternal city, and in his modest way tried to to make it up for it. In his correspondence from Rome to Chryscijanskaja dumka about taking possession of Basilica St. John in Lateran by the newly elected Pope Pius XII on 18 May 1939, he wrote that among the voices in honour of the Pope in many languages, one could also hear Belarusian 'Long live the Holy Father'". It is not difficult to guess whose voice it was. Again, writing about the Byzantine liturgy at St. Peter's Basilica on 21 May to mark the 950 years of baptism of "Rus" he explained that Father Abrantovich, who was expected from Harbin, did not make it in time, and that is why there was no Belarusian present among the concelebrants[24]. In fact Abrantovich was expected to take part not as representative of Belarus, but in his capacity as head of the Russian "Ordinariat" in Manchuria.

The sad fact was that the church authorities in Rome at that time ignored Belarus and Belarusians. Thus at the Pontifical Gregorian University Sipovich was registered simply as "Russian". Among his paper there is a copy of his letter in Latin, dated 14 January 1941, to the secretary of the University, in which he wrote: "Following the appeal to send corrections of mistakes with regard to names etc. in the register of students, which somehow might have crept in, I take the liberty of asking the Secretariat why it is that already for the third time (because it happened twice in previous years), instead of Belarusian nationality, to which I belong, I am described as Russian? I presume this has happened by mistake; however if there are some reasons for this, I would like to know them without delay".[25]

On the next day he received the following reply in Italian, signed by the Secretary of the University: "The reason why Y(our) R(everence) is registered as 'Russian' is the simple fact that there is no political state 'Belarus' but only Russia, and we compile our registers not according to race but according to the political state. In the same way e.g. the Scots are registered as English".[26]

The "explanation" does not give much credit to the intelligence of the secretary or, indeed, the venerable institution he represented. At the time in question Russia was no more independent than Belarus: both countries formed part of the Soviet Union. Thus, if one followed the rules set out in the secretary's letter, one could talk about Soviet and not Russian nationality. As far as Sipovich was concerned, he had never been even near Russia, left Western Belarus one year before it was occupied by the Soviet Union, and travelled to Italy on a Polish passport, issued to him by those who expelled him from his native country for being Belarusian. So what nationality did it make him? As for a Scotsman to be called English, one would like to meet the brave person who would dare to do this.

The thought of Belarus seemed never to have been absent from the mind of Sipovich. Thus on Good Friday 11 April 1941 he makes the following entry in the "Chronicle": "Part of us (i.e. Marians) go to venerate the Holy Cross, and another part to the Lateran Basilica where a beautifully sad service took place. It must be said that the present writer did not see in it anything different from what on the same day was taking place in the Druia church (Belarus). Of course there were no numerous canons and prelates present..."

The "Chronicle" was brought from Vilna to Rome by Father Hermanovich, who for some time stayed at the Russicum, presumably to get better acquainted with Russian liturgical usage. Sipovich continued the Chronicle till 1943.

On 10 February 1939 Pope Pius XI died. He was succeeded by Pius XII, the Pope who was destined to rule over the Catholic Church during the Second World War and the post-war period of confrontation between the Communist world, led by the Soviet Union, and the West. The coronation of the new Pope took place on 12 March.

On the same day at the Marian College there was a farewell dinner in honour of Father Hermanovich. Sipovich in the "Chronicle" notes that among the present guests were the Russian Catholic Bishop Alexander Evreinoff and the Jesuit Father Philippe de Regis, Rector of the Russicum. The Superior General, Father Andrew Tsikota, thanked Evreinoff for honouring this "Marian family occasion" with his presence, and also Father Philippe de Regis for taking care of Marian clerics, who are getting ready in the Russicum to become workers in the field of Church Unity. He also promised more Marian students for the Russicum. Evreinoff in his turn thanked the Marian Congregation for the work they were doing for his countrymen (i.e. Russians). Father Hermanovich left Rome for Harbin on 15 March 1939.

On 21-23 July the General Chapter of Marian Fathers was held, at which Bishop Buchys was once again elected their Superior General in place of Father Tsikota. Father Abrantovich came from Harbin for the Chapter. After the Chapter he went to Poland, and was there on 1 September when the German-Polish war broke out. On 17 September Soviet troops occupied western Belarus and Ukraine which had formed part of the Polish Republic, and the state of Poland ceased to exist. Father Abrantovich was then in L'viv in Ukraine, visiting Metropolitan Andrew Sheptytsky. He was arrested some time later while attempting to cross the Soviet-German border. It is not exactly known of what was he accused. Metropolitan Sheptytsky in his report to the Oriental Congregation on the state of the Belarusian Exarchate, written on 14 August 1943, has this to say on the subject: "There are rumours that he (i.e. Abrantovich – A.N.) was perhaps imprudent in offering English Pounds to a Jew, which might have aroused suspicions and be the cause of his arrest"[27]. On the other hand the fact that he came from Japanese-occupied Manchuria did not help because of the tense relations which existed between the Soviet Union and Japan. Some eyewitnesses who were also imprisoned with him in L'viv said that he was tortured and suffered very much, but comported himself with dignity. According to the latest news he died on 2 January 1946 in the Butyrki prison in Moscow. Such was the tragic end of this truly talented man and priest. Belarusians had great hopes of him, which remained unfulfilled.

With no news of Abrantovich it was decided to send Father Tsikota to Harbin in his place. He left Rome on 3 November, having adopted the Byzantine rite and received the title of Archimandrite literally a few days before his departure.

Thus in Rome there remained only two ex-Druia members, Sipovich and Aniskowicz.

On Christmas day, 25 December 1939 Bishop Alexander Evreinoff conferred deacon's orders on Ceslaus Sipovich. Aniskowicz was not admitted to the diaconate and was expelled from the Russicum and the Marian Congregation for some misdemeanour. On 10 January he left for France to join the army to fight against the Germans. Sipovich was very upset with the treatment meted out to Aniskowicz and tried to save him, even by writing to Tsikota to accept him in Harbin for a probationary period. All to no avail.

Life in war-time Rome seemed pretty normal, although it lost its usual boisterousness. Priests and students of many  nationalities were forced to leave because of hostilities between Italy and their countries. Sipovich made a note in his "Chronicle" on 19 May 1940: "The Rector of the Russicum, Fr F. de Regis is leaving for France. Many students are sorry for him". In a letter to Fr Tsikota of 11 May he wrote: "Not long ago Aniskowicz C. sent me  perhaps his last letter: he is leaving for the front, asks to take care of his belongings... We are all sorry for him. Belgians and Dutch are hurrying home, to war".

For Ceslaus Sipovich, along with his studies, it was a time of intensive spiritual preparation for receiving the holy order of priesthood.

The great day came on Sunday 16 June 1940. During the Pontifical Liturgy in the church of Saint Anthony the Great which was attached to the Russicum, Bishop Alexander Evreinoff bestowed the order of holy priesthood on deacon Ceslaus Sipovich. A week later the new priest wrote to Fathers Tsikota and Hermanovich in  Harbin: "I do not undertake to describe my various feelings, especially at the moment of my receiving the priesthood. They somewhere touched on what in a man is called the essence; and since the essence is invisible, so those feelings cannot be expressed in words. I only wish not to darken them with life's patina, but to  present them such as they were in that happy moment before the throne of the Good God".

On the next day the new priest celebrated his Liturgy at the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore at the altar before the icon of the Mother of God "Salus populi romani". On the following day – Liturgy in the chapel of the Marian College at via Corsica.

At the time of his ordination Sipovich had only just finished his third year of theology, and needed another year to complete the course for the licenciate. So in October he went back to the Gregorian University. There also the war was having its impact: not only students, but six of the professors were unable to return to resume their teaching duties.

For Father Sipovich this was supposed to be the last year in Rome, after which he had to go to Harbin. But as the time was drawing near, something happened. It seems that Tsikota did not insist on his coming immediately. Sipovich wrote to him on 18 June 1941: "After  receiving your letters the General Council decided to leave me for another year here in Rome, on condition that I finish my licenciate now, and next year obtain my doctor's degree. Bishop Peter (Buchys – A.N.) has made me understand that the reasons for my going to Harbin as soon as possible are very important; therefore if I am given another year, I must make the best use of it... I am very, very grateful to Father Archimandrite (Tsikota) for not 'insisting' and to the Bishop for 'not forcing me to go'. For myself I wish to say that I would fly like a bird to you, but what use to you is a bird with an empty head...".

Four days later, on 22 June 1941 the German-Soviet war broke out. It was followed by the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour on 7 December, which forced the United States to enter the war. It was hardly a propitious time to set out on a journey across the world. There was another, personal, reason: Sipovich failed the final oral examination for the licentiate in Theology, and not once but twice, in June and then again in October. There is a note in the "Chronicle" on 18 October 1941: "Fr C. Sipovich sits the examination for the licentiate at the Gregorian University for the second time, and for the second time he fails (Lennerz, S.J.). What will happen next is up to the superiors". On the following day, 19 October, Sipovich made the following note on a piece of paper which is found among his retreat notes: "If I receive this grace (i.e. permission to continue his studies – A.N.), – and I firmly believe I will, – I promise: never in my life to boast about my academic degree (in the strictest sense of the word) or even mention it to anyone without need. After failure – penance. However, God, You see all, You know and see my future, my temperament and character; if You consider that the licenciate and this additional year of study are not necessary for me, then lead me on your path which is beyond my understanding. As to what Father General told me today: transeat a me, sed non mea voluntas sed Tua fiat (may it pass me by, but let it be not my will but yours)". Thus it seems that initially Buchys was against Sipovich continuing his studies. However there is another note by Sipovich, dated 3 November, on the same piece of paper: "God listened to me, unworthy as I am, through the intercession of the Good Mother of God and her servant Father Stanislas Papczynski. Everything conspired against my wishes: failure in exams, unwillingness of the Father General, war – and despite it all in the name of God I shall continue my studies".

In June 1942 he was third time lucky, but with the war raging all over the world there was no question of his going anywhere.

With the plans of going to Harbin abandoned or at least suspended, in the autumn of 1942 Sipovich began his studies at the Pontifical Oriental Institute in Rome. Four years later, on 19 December 1946, he obtained his doctorate after successfully defending a thesis on the penultimate Belarusian Uniate Metropolitan, Jason Junosza Smogorzewski (1780-88). But by then the world was a different place.

Since 1941 Sipovich had been living not in the Russicum but in the Marian College at via Corsica. The war did not seem to have had much effect on him or on the Marian community. There is an interesting entry in the Chronicle on 30 August 1943: "Fr J. Vajtkievich and C. Sipovich go to the seaside at Fregene. On the beach they watch American planes flying to bomb Civitavecchia". On rare occasions news reached Rome from German-occupied Belarus and Poland. Thus Sipovich reports in his Chronicle on 7 February 1942: "H. E. Father Superior General received from the Belarusian Committee in the Generalgouvernement (i.e. Poland – A.N.) (Warsaw, Kniazhaia 4) a request and at the same time what looks like complaint against the Superior of the Polish province of the Marian Congregation, that , despite the fact that the Warsaw Metropolitan Curia gave Belarusians the church of St Martin (Piwna street), he refused to give there a Belarusian priest, and even did not want to speak with the Belarusian delegation on this subject. The document was written on 2 January, No.15/42-K/III. It was signed by the chairman M. Shchors".

At that time there were three Belarusian Marian priests from Druia in Poland, namely Casimir Smulka, Joseph Dashuta and Vitalis Khamionak. With a bit of good will it would not have been impossible to assign one of them to pastoral work among Belarusians. But it was not to be. In the Chronicle under 8 February there is the following note: "To this request there has already been sent some good advice, namely that the Belarusian Committee should address the same request to the Oriental Congregation". It is surprising that Sipovich could call this advice "good". The Belarusian Catholics in Warsaw belonged to the Roman (Latin) rite, and their affairs were not within the competence of the Congregation for the Eastern Churches (or, as it was generally called, the Oriental Congregation). Moreover, even if they had been, the possiblities of Rome in war-torn Europe were very limited. Thus the actions of the Marian superiors both in Warsaw and in Rome look very much like a snub for the Belarusians, telling them to go away and leave Marian Fathers alone. Incidentally, the chairman of the Belarusian Committee in Warsaw, Dr Nicholas Shchors, was Orthodox. It would be interesting to know what impression on him was made by the Marian Fathers who were so keen to "convert" Orthodox Russians, but could not spare one Belarusian priest to help Belarusian Catholics.

The question of pastoral care for Belarusian Catholic community in Warsaw was resolved by the arrival towards the end of January or beginning of February of the well known Belarusian priest and writer, Peter Tatarynovich who had escaped from Belarus to avoid arrest and possible death at the hands of the German authorities. He organised the parish and from September 1942 was appointed teacher of religion at the Belarusian school. But that was no thanks to the Marian Fathers. The arrival of Father Tatarynovich in Warsaw was reported in a letter to Buchys by the Superior of the Polish province, Fr J. Sobczyk (the one who refused to help Belarusians). Sipovich makes a note of this letter in his Chronicle under the date of 21 March 1942. In the same letter Sobczyk wrote about the three Belarusian Marian Fathers, in particular about Father Dashuta who could not wait to go back to Druia. However the superior (i.e. Sobczyk) refused permission on the grounds that there were already some Polish priests working in Druia, and Dashuta was needed in Poland. On 22 April Sipovich received a letter, dated 10 April, from Warsaw from one of the exiled priests, Father Vitalis Khamionak, in which he wrote: "If it were possible to obtain permission to return from the exile to Druia, we all would fly there like birds. However we must subordinate our wishes to the will of God and of our superiors".

In fact there were Marian Fathers in Druia at that time. One of them was Father Anthony Leszczewicz (1890-1943), a Pole who had spent most of his priestly life in the Far East, in particular in Harbin. In 1938 he returned to Poland and entered the Marian noviciate in Skurzec. In 1939, just a week before the beginning of the Second World War, he came to Druia. The other was George Kashyra (1904-1943), one of the Belarusian Fathers who were expelled from Druia by the Poles in 1938. After the outbreak of the war he made his way to Lithuania where he remained for nearly three years. In 1942 he returned to Druia. On respectively 17 and 18 February 1943 in the village of Rosica north of Druia, both those priests, together with their parishioners, whom they refused to abandon, were burned alive by the Germans. The news of their tragic and heroic death reached Rome on 10 May and was confirmed on 10 June 1943. In 1999 Pope John Paul II beatified both Fathers Leszczewicz and Kashyra.

The Warsaw incident was not the only involvement of the Marians with Belarusian affairs at that time. On 12 January 1942 Buchys wrote a paper entitled "De missione orientali inter alborussos" (On the Oriental Mission among Belarusians). This he did at the request of the Oriental Congregation, most probably in connection with the establishement in the autumn of 1939 by Metroplitan Andrew Sheptycky of four Oriental Exarchates which Rome, after much hesitation and initial refusal, was forced reluctantly to recognise. One of the Exarchates was that of Belarus, with at its head Father Anthony Niemantsevich, a Belarusian Jesuit priest of the Byzantine rite who was arrested by Germans in July 1942 and died in prison during the smallpox epidemics. The greater part of Buchys's paper consists of general superficial information, taken mainly from articles in the Belarusian paper Krynica which appeared in Vilna after the outbreak of the war from autumn 1939 to July 1940, Belarusian calendars for 1938 and 1939, and similar sources. Here are his more important conclusions: "Belarus is part of Russia proper... today there is no better bridge between Catholicism and Russia than Belarus... Once converted, Belarus will be capable of supplying a sufficient number of able workers to bring about the conversion of the whole of Russia... The time is not convenient now to talk in detail about the manner of organising a Belarusian mission for the conversion of Russia. However it is quite clear that the whole Catholic hierarchy in the Belarusian territory should be intimately convinced of the necessity of this mission and of its certain fundamental principles... The fifth principle is very delicate; it teaches (us) to exercise caution in affirming the national independence of Belarusians in Great Russia, lest it may lead to hostility bewteen Belarus and Great Russia and thus hinder the future work of conversion of the latter. On the other hand Belarusian patriotism is quite awake, and denial of independence (of Belarus – A.N.) may constitute an obstacle to the conversion of non-Catholic Belarusians. The bishops of Belarus must show extreme prudence"[28].

It seems that the Vatican had to scrape the bottom of the barrel to find this "expert" on Belarus. It speaks volumes about the state of their knowledge of, and interest in, that country and its people. Obviously what mattered for Buchys, a true disciple of d'Herbigny to the end, was the "conversion" of Russia. As far as Belarus was concerned he knew little, and cared even less.

It is instructive to compare Buchys's memorandum with the report of Sheptytsky on Belarusian Exarchate, in which the great Ukrainian Metropolitan wrote: "It is a very sad thing to see that in the 20th century a Catholic nation, counting almost 3 million souls must consider a bishop of their own nationality as an unattainable ideal. The Belarusians want above anything else a bishop of their own nation, because they have a need of priests of their nation"[29].

Sipovich seemed to have been familiar with the contents of Buchys's paper from the beginning. Almost ten years later, on 8 May 1951, by now from London he wrote to him: "I am well acquainted with what Your Excellency wrote to the Oriental Congregation about Belarusians, at the time when others showed little or no interest in them... Things, however, have moved forward, and now we are faced with other requirements. For this reason Belarusians today cannot agree with all your plans and suggestions to the Sacred Congregation (I have in mind your paper De missione orientali apud Alborussos  of 12.1.1942). Catholicism in Belarus must be considered in the same manner as, for instance, in Germany, Lithuania, Ukraine etc. – which means that Belarus must have its own clergy, and hierarchy depending directly on Rome".? 

On 22 July 1942 Buchys had a long talk with Sipovich about Belarus. Here is the relevant entry in the Chronicle: "His Exc. Bp Buchys in a conversation with Fr C.Sipovich expressed his views about Belarusians. It is a fact – he said, – that Belarusians today are disunited: some stress their nationality as separate among the Slavs, others consider themselves Poles, and still others – Russians. Thus there are three possible choices: to belong to Poland, or Russia, or have complete independence. The fact that it is a Catholic country argues in favour of belonging to Poland; in Russia, on the other hand, Belarusian Catholics could spread their religion throughout the whole of that country. Both possibilities, however, have their dangers for Belarusians and require sacrifices from them. Bishop refuses to say what they should chose and leaves it to Belarusians themselves: 'Let them decide about their own sacrifices'". This episode throws an interesting light on the curious mentality of the man who looked at the fate of the whole nation from what he thought was good for the Church, rather than trying to see how the Church could help the nation to achieve its full spiritual potential.

Another curious episode, duly reported in the Chronicle, took place on 26 November 1943: "Father General (Buchys – A.N.) assembled all Orientals in order to discuss with them the problem of the attitude towards all sorts of nations and nationalism. On this occasion he stressed that the Church is not directly concerned with the problems such as 'whether Russia will include Ukraine and Belarus or not'. Therefore when the Pope in Rome helps the Ukrainian College, he has in mind the needs of the Church and not directly (the good) of Ukrainian people". The "Orientals", apart from Sipovich, were two Russian Theology students, whom Abrantovich had brought with him from Harbin in 1939. It is not fanciful to think that the reason for the meeting was the difference of opinion on national problems between them and Sipovich. It is a well known fact that Russian anti-communist emigres were allergic to the idea of independence of Ukraine and Belarus.

By the middle of 1943 it was becoming evident that the war, although it lost nothing of its ferocity, had reached its turning point. On 9 July the Allies, having defeated German and Italian troops in Africa, invaded Sicily. Thus the war reached Italian soil. On 19 July Rome was bombed for the first time by the Allies. All this proved fatal to the fascist regime of Mussolini who was overthrown on 25 July. The Italians refused to go on fighting and began secret negotiation with the Allies for armistice. The German forces, who were in Italy as allies, became an army of occupation. After the second allied air raid on 13 August, Rome was declared an "open city", i.e. free from any object of military interest, but it was not liberated till 4 June 1944.

Note: